Introducing the Defense of History Committee

20 Feb 2026 2:32 PM | Karlin Andersen Tuttle (Administrator)

By: Michael Fuhlhage, AJHA President

The academic freedom of AJHA members is under growing threat as a result of state-level anti-DEI legislation enacted since 2023 and executive orders imposed since Donald Trump’s second presidential administration began in January 2025. In response, as president of the American Journalism Historians Association, I have established the Ad Hoc Defense of History Committee with these charges:

  • To give voice to our more vulnerable members who may fear retribution if they speak against violations of their academic freedom.
  • To chronicle the challenges our scholars face.
  • And to give all AJHA members the means to help track the erasure of diversity, equity, and inclusion in public institutions where Americans expect to learn about our nation’s history, both the good and the bad.

By doing these things, we aspire to strengthen the academy, bolster accountability for our country’s deeds in the past as well as the present, and guard against the erasure of historical memory.

I am thankful to AJHA Vice President Erin Coyle, who will chair the committee, and AJHA members Deborah van Tuyll of Augusta University, Gwyneth Mellinger of James Madison University, Marquita Smith of the University of Mississippi, A.J. Bauer of the University of Alabama, and Susan Swanberg of the University of Arizona for agreeing to serve on the committee.

Threatening teachers and scholars for our discussion of race in the fabric of American society and history and all matters of diversity, equity, and inclusion is just part of an arc of tyranny under Trump’s second administration.

This arc extends from the classroom into the streets of Minneapolis and every place where the administration has run past its immigration enforcement responsibilities to quash dissent.

  • Its agents have killed eight people in 2026: Alex Pretti, Renee Nicole Good, Luis Gustavo Nuñez Cáceres, Geraldo Lunas Campos, Víctor Manuel Díaz, Parady La, Luis Beltrán Yáñez-Cruz, and Heber Sánchez Domínguez.
  • It has, as the American Civil Liberties Union states in a lawsuit against ICE, CBP, and other federal agents, violated the constitutional rights of Americans “by racially profiling, unlawfully seizing, and unlawfully arresting people without a warrant and without probable cause” because of racial and ethnic characteristics.
  • It has threatened, arrested, and detained observers who sought to collect evidence that could hold Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol agents accountable, as detailed in a KQED news podcast.
  • And it has assaulted and arrested reporters covering anti-ICE protests, treating journalists as agitators and participants, according to the U.S. Press Freedom Tracker, which accuses police of using arrests to silence protest coverage.

These pieces add up to a picture of a federal government attempting to evade accountability in the present. But it is also trying to hide the evidence of its historical misdeeds and prevent educators from even discussing them when they pertain to the racism in America’s past. Historical memory and teaching are under siege. Our public museums and public lands are in the crosshairs. At the expense of telling a complete history of the United States that includes an accounting of not just its triumphs but also its less noble chapters, the Trump administration has targeted the Smithsonian Institution with a comprehensive review of selected museums and exhibitions.

The administration framed this review as an effort to “reflect the unity, progress, and enduring values that define the American story” in the name of ensuring “alignment with the President’s directive to celebrate American exceptionalism, remove divisive or partisan narratives, and restore confidence in our shared cultural institutions.” This includes a review of exhibition text, websites, educational materials, and social media content with an eye on “tone, historical framing, and alignment with American ideals.”

The result will be the substitution of the triumphalist history of great white men and their institutions that James W. Carey warned we didn’t need more of for the whole truth that recent generations of historians have labored to build. Most recently, Trump officials ordered national parks to remove signs and displays about settlers mistreatment of Native Americans at the Grand Canyon and George Washington’s ownership of enslaved people at the President’s House in Philadelphia.

Since 2023, Republican lawmakers have been targeting colleges that emphasize diversity, equity and inclusion in their recruitment and retention of students and faculty on grounds that these efforts violate free speech and waste public funds. In 2025, state legislatures enacted 14 laws in 12 states to dismantle DEI efforts, according to the Chronicle of Higher Education. Targets include DEI offices and training, diversity statements, and teaching about white supremacy in courses required to graduate. These efforts, the Chronicle reports, were accelerated by Trump’s executive orders banning race-conscious programs, and they reach as far as the academic freedom of classroom instruction. In Mississippi, for example, HB 1193 prohibits teaching concepts that include “transgender ideology, gender-neutral pronouns, heteronormativity, gender theory, sexual privilege, or any related formulation of these concepts” in any university program, academic course, or office.

New laws constrain the academic freedom of administrators as well as teachers. In Iowa, HF 856 barred administrators from referencing “unconscious or implicit bias, cultural appropriation, allyship, transgender ideology, microaggressions, group marginalization, antiracism, systemic oppression, social justice, intersectionality, neopronouns, heteronormativity, disparate impact, gender theory, racial privilege, sexual privilege, or any related formulation of these concepts” in programs, training, or policies. Texas’s SB 37 went so far as to give public colleges’ boards of regents curricular control to prevent courses from including DEI and establishing a DEI complaint process and a statewide committee to determine what curricula should include.

These concerns are not abstract. AJHA members are affected in a variety of ways expressed privately in conversations at our conventions in Pittsburgh and Long Beach and in discussions via social media. When an instructor was suspended in Texas for including transgender identity in her teaching, it was chilling. Could the same happen to any of us?

My hope is that the AJHA Defense of History Committee can fashion a process through which members can confidentially deposit their accounts of living with DEI restrictions. What is the use of this? To ensure that the vulnerable are heard without fear of retribution. These accounts will be part of the historical record and part of historical accountability in the future.

I also hope that it can devise a clearinghouse for members to report instances where diversity is erased as part of journalism, media and communication history in their own locales, a sort of crowdsourced database of historical amnesia. Members could then engage in acts of guerrilla history, replacing the deleted diversity aspects in rebellious acts of remembering.

James Baldwin wrote in Notes of a Native Son, “I love America more than any other country in this world, and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually.” To criticize honestly and rigorously, we must have evidence. The Defense of History Committee will provide the ideas and means to implement the collection of that evidence.

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